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Il 10 Marzo 1923 il Consiglio dei Ministri approva finalmente il decreto legge relativo alla riduzione della giornata lavorativa. Il 
disegno di legge sugli orari, presentato dal socialista Filippo Turati, viene recepito dal Regio Decreto Legge n° 692, down 8 hours a day and work 48 hours per week, in addition to providing 12 hours of overtime, to be conducted upon the Labour Inspectorate. This vital piece of legislation approved by Mussolini's first government with a serious lags behind other European nations (the English building and mechanics got a reduction to nine hours as early as 1872, while in Russia the final eight hours workers in 1917 were obtained from a column revolutionary demands of the carrier as early as 1905), should not be read as a concession from the government to the proletariat, but as the victory of a battle that lasted more than a century and a half.
disegno di legge sugli orari, presentato dal socialista Filippo Turati, viene recepito dal Regio Decreto Legge n° 692, down 8 hours a day and work 48 hours per week, in addition to providing 12 hours of overtime, to be conducted upon the Labour Inspectorate. This vital piece of legislation approved by Mussolini's first government with a serious lags behind other European nations (the English building and mechanics got a reduction to nine hours as early as 1872, while in Russia the final eight hours workers in 1917 were obtained from a column revolutionary demands of the carrier as early as 1905), should not be read as a concession from the government to the proletariat, but as the victory of a battle that lasted more than a century and a half. The day 8 hours in fact, was not required to employers or the government, but imposed from below, from the claims of workers and peasants who began to establish itself with the insistence in the early decades of the eighteenth century, leading to early recognition with the revolutions of 1848. It should however be noted that Marx was not at all despised the regulation of the law (which was rejected by Proudhon) knowing full well that the actual reduction would be ultimately the result of changing power relationships and not just a law. At the suggestion of Marx in fact, in the first Congress of Geneva (1866) this resolution was passed: "We declare that the limitation of working hours is the indispensable condition perché gli sforzi per emancipare i lavoratori non falliscano”, e di conseguenza veniva proposto che il limite legale per l'orario di lavoro fosse di 8 ore.
La legge varata nel 1923 comunque, non è aliena da ambiguità e colpi di mano da parte dell’esecutivo fascista, e persino un quotidiano certamente non troppo vicino alle istanze dei lavoratori come La Stampa fu in grado di cogliere queste incongruenze in un articolo dell' 11 marzo 1923, di cui trascriviamo un estratto: “ La risoluzione delle questioni più importanti (caratteri del lavoro effettivo, ripartizione dell'orario massimo normale, Ultra-week periods, regulatory complaints, temporary exemptions, deferral of terms), is reserved to the Standing Committee of the work, which is judged by a few representatives of employers and workers, as though the Government can avoid any responsibility which touches throughout the national economy. But, above all, you can see in the draft provisions to be in stark contrast with the actual situation of the country and the possibility of industry and agriculture, would not have no other result than to raise workers in dangerous illusions or foment conflicts, such as those requiring overtime for an increase of 25% of pay and a wage increase in cases where law enforcement figures a reduction in force because, as opposed to the interest and the will of workers. When it was also possible to obtain compliance with these provisions, they would result in unjust limitations on the freedom of individuals and in industry such as harassment, which prohibits employment over time at home or for other companies. "
